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In the News

Arizona Republic Editorial, 01/27/00: "George W. Bush has proposed reducing personal income tax rates across the board, lowering the lowest rate from 15 percent to 10 percent and the highest rate from 39.6 percent to 33 percent. Coupled with a proposal to double the child credit, Bush's plan would cut marginal tax rates for all Americans, while removing 6 million families from the tax rolls entirely.

"While we are intrigued by the...proposals of Forbes, Bauer and Keyes, Bush's plan is a reasonable and prudent one that moves toward fundamental reform while improving economic performance and increasing real incomes.

"If surpluses would actually be used to reduce the federal debt, that would be economically beneficial as well. But that would require spending restraint, something for which neither Republicans nor Democrats have shown much talent. Better for the economy to have the certainty of a tax cut rather than depend on the uncertainty of future federal spending discipline. Additionally, tax cuts never end up actually reducing government revenues as much as projected.

"Moreover, McCain's own tax plan would reduce the cumulative national debt of $5.6 trillion by only one percent over the next ten years, an economically meaningless gesture.

McCain, alone among the Republican contenders, eschews the need for growth-oriented tax cuts and reforms. McCain would also double the child credit, but would expand only the 15 percent tax bracket, leaving marginal tax rates untouched for both low-income and high-income Americans.

"McCain's plan, in short, assumes that we will have economic growth tomorrow because we have it today. That could prove to be a very costly and destructive assumption.

"Better to adopt policies today leading to economic growth tomorrow. Bush has proposed a sensible plan to do that. And Forbes, Bauer and Keyes have articulated enticing visions of what U.S. tax policy should ultimately be."

Boston Globe's Jeff Jacoby, 01/27/00: "...for which Republicans does McCain speak?

"His signature issue, campaign finance 'reform', would sharply curtail free speech and enhance the influence of the media. Far from being a Republican or conservative issue, McCain's bill would hurt Republicans and conservative - who particularly depend on advertising to get their message out - the most.

"McCain's top Senate priority in recent years was his crusade to slam a $500 billion 'settlement' on tobacco companies, supposedly to recoup the costs of treating smoking-related illnesses. It was a phony rationale: Government takes in far more money in cigarette taxes than it pays out to treat sick smokers on Medicaid. And since when has the GOP stood for beating up an industry for making and selling a lawful product?

"'I'm a proud conservative,' McCain said recently when I asked why he is running to the left. 'I have not ever voted for a tax increase. I'm for less government...I'd put my conservative credentials up against anybody.' But the impact of his tobacco legislation would have been a painful new tax on smokers, who are more likely to be found near the bottom of the income ladder. And the tobacco and campaign finance bills together would have meant an enormous expansion of government power - exactly the reverse of what McCain claims to want.

"McCain holds himself out as a blunt and candid man, a candidate who tells people 'the truth - not what they want to hear, but what I think they should hear.' His campaign bus is nicknamed the 'Straight Talk Express,' and there certainly are times when he seems like the only straight shooter in town.

"But is it straight shooting to denounce the Confederate flag as 'offensive in many, many ways... a symbol of racism and slavery' one day, then endorse it as 'a symbol of heritage' the next? Or to hold himself out as an opponent of racial preferences, yet tell a convention of minority journalists that if he become president, he will 'absolutely and unequivocally' name an Asian-America to his Cabinet? Do straight-talking Republicans demonize other Republicans' tax-cut proposals with specious class-warfare rhetoric ('We give the millionaire a $2,000 refund. Governor Bush gives him $50,000')

"Ask McCain about abortion and he has a pat answer: 'I'm for a repeal of Roe v. Wade.' But in August he told the San Francisco Chronicle, 'I'd love to see a point' where Roe v. Wade 'is irrelevant and could be repealed because abortion is no longer necessary. But certainly in the short term, or even the long term, I would not support repeal of Roe V. Wade.' Straight talk?

"I don't think this is hypocrisy; I think it is ideological incoherence. For all his fine attributes, McCain seems to lack any philosophical core. When he talks about honor and duty, he is unerring; when he talks about issues, he is all over the place. It is good to hear a presidential candidate who treats questions of character seriously. But questions of policy and governance are vital, too. The Senator makes a fine role model. I'm not sure he would make a fine president."

Arizona Republic, Editorial, 01/26/00: "The impressive [victory] of...George W. Bush in the Iowa caucus confirmed the obvious: [He's] the front-[runner] and [his] challengers have their work cut out.

"Bush's 41 percent in a six way Republican contest showed that he was more than able to hold his own among the party's social conservatives. This, despite the fact that Steve Forbes' second-place finish with 30 percent and Alan Keyes' third place showing with 14 percent were better than expected...

"Unlike McCain, Bradley chose to compete in Iowa even though the deck seemed stacked.

"The job of president is to be president of all the people,' he said. 'That's why I came to Iowa.'

"McCain calculated that his limited resources could be put to better use in New Hampshire.

"As it was, McCain finished a disappointing fifth with only 5 percent of the GOP vote. This increases the pressure to do well in New Hampshire."